When I set out for Khulna to conduct a series of focus group discussions (FGD) with a team from Change Initiative, I expected the trip to be a refreshing shift from my desk in Dhaka and an opportunity to explore how people outside the capital were processing the July uprising. I imagined new perspectives, local stories, and perhaps traces of the hope that once swept through the country. What I encountered instead was startling. As we moved from Khulna to Barishal and Rajshahi, listening to students, laborers, lawyers, journalists, and political workers, disappointment surfaced again and again, and people were complaining that those in power never came to them to listen to their problems, let alone working on them to bring change. However, people did not regret the fall of the previous government of Sheikh Hasina, but the heaviness in their voices revealed something I had never realized from news updates or policy discussions. The depth of national distrust, the sense that nothing had truly changed, and the frustration with promises that remained unfulfilled were realities that only became visible when I stepped outside Dhaka and engaged directly with individuals in their communities.
What the people are feeling now & where we stand in terms of national security
The statements I gathered share a pattern. Across social groups and districts, people no longer believe in the permanence or sincerity of the change that was promised. They remember the promises of reform, but the outcomes- improved access to jobs, more transparent institutions, and accountable local governance, have not materialized for many. People expressed concern about the justice system. They noted that July-related cases, once treated with urgency, now remain stalled or progress very slowly, left unresolved in court records. This reflects not only disappointment with performance but a deeper loss of confidence in the entire legal structure. Many described the police as remote and sometimes hostile: instead of acting as protectors, officers often fail to respond, rarely intervene when citizens seek intervention, and at times appear aligned with political interests rather than justice. Injured participants from the July events also said they are not receiving proper treatment, while individuals with questionable or fake injury claims seem to be taking most of the benefits. They emphasized that they did not fight for incentives, but it hurts to see that nothing has changed, and their sacrifices remain unacknowledged.
People no longer trust any political party, and many expressed frustrations, asking how parties that have not yet been elected and are not in power can behave so irresponsibly, how none seem willing to correct wrongs, confront long-standing vested interests, or ensure accountability. For many, the party structures that once symbolized hope now feel as hollow as those they replaced.
Equally striking is how people, specially the youth, reflect on their own identity. Over the past year, being a “student” or a “July fighter” has lost much of its meaning. In Khulna and Barishal, I heard recurring remarks: “A year ago, I felt I had a purpose,” said one student. “Now, I feel forgotten.” This sense of abandonment comes not only from the absence of reform but from the erosion of symbolic value. The identity that once united thousands in protest now feels hollow, weighed down by broken promises and the disheartening realization that the system may not change as deeply as they hoped.
Many participants expressed deep frustration at the silence of mainstream media. They recalled how, during the July uprising, media coverage amplified their voices and gave their struggle national visibility. Today, that same power feels absent. People said they feel ignored, as if their sacrifices and grievances have been erased from the public narrative, leaving them disillusioned about whether truth can still find a platform.
People spoke with quiet sadness rather than revolutionary passion. Their sacrifices were real, but the results remain uncertain. Many said they would now advise their children not to join future movements. This is more than simple disappointment, it shows a shift in hope. Communities feel satisfied that the outgoing government fell, yet frustrated by the lack of progress. As a result, they are less willing to take part in mass protests. This is not just tiredness, it reflects a loss of confidence in the power of collective action.
How public distrust is affecting national security
What began as localized frustration has now turned into national distrust, cutting across regions and social groups. People everywhere question whether any institution, judiciary, law enforcement, or political leadership can deliver justice or keep promises, turning disillusionment into a systemic crisis. This transformation in public mood has profound implications for national security. When faith in the judiciary collapses and legal redress is still being perceived as inaccessible or selective, the social contract continues to fray. People stop believing in the system, and that skepticism can shift toward more dangerous forms of collective behavior. This is not mere speculation or theory, many told me they now question whether they can expect the system to be reformed ever, and whether their sacrifices even mattered. Distrust at this scale is not just a political problem, it is a security fault line. When citizens lose confidence in institutions, they are less likely to follow official instructions during emergencies, cooperate with law enforcement, or share accurate information. This weakens the state’s ability to manage crises and creates space for opportunistic actors to exploit grievances.
At the same time, the collapse of trust in mainstream media has pushed people toward informal networks, accelerating the spread of rumors and disinformation. In the months following the July uprising, Bangladesh saw a surge in politically charged misinformation. Fact-checking platforms documented 917 unique cases of false news between July and September 2024, with political narratives dominating. Many of these targeted the interim government and surrounded the former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. For instance, fabricated reports claimed that Hasina was negotiating her return under UN pressure, while others falsely alleged that Muhammad Yunus planned to replace the national anthem with a religious verse. These narratives circulated widely on social media, amplifying polarization and distrust. Religious misinformation also spiked, with old images of fires and violence falsely portrayed as recent attacks on Hindu temples, fueling communal tension. Such narratives, though unverified, travel quickly and can trigger spontaneous unrest. (The Daily Star)
The state of disillusionment also creates fertile ground for radicalization. Feelings of betrayal and grief, combined with alienation among youth, many of whom say they feel ‘forgotten’, make individuals vulnerable to groups that exploit frustration under the guise of justice or community defense. When people feel neglected, ignored by the justice system, and powerless against institutional inertia, they may turn to actors promising relief or retribution. In extreme cases, these groups can channel collective resentment into recruitment and mobilization for violence. The Holey Artisan attack in 2016 remains a stark reminder that radical extremists can find recruits among people who are not necessarily impoverished or uneducated but who experience alienation, identity confusion, or perceived injustice. Now, in this period of disillusionment, the same dynamics could re-emerge. Drawing a direct line from the current mood of disappointment to widespread violent extremism would be speculative, but the pattern of grievance combined with exploitation by radicalizing agents is plausible.
If these issues are not addressed, Bangladesh could face serious risks: growing mob violence, rapid spread of misinformation, and a breakdown of trust between citizens and the state. Human rights monitors warn that vigilante attacks are increasing as people lose faith in legal systems, creating a dangerous trend where crowds take the law into their own hands. According to a report in Dhaka Tribune, at least 111 people were killed in mob attacks over the past year, reflecting a sharp rise in extrajudicial violence after the July uprising. At the same time, false news spreads quickly through social media because people no longer trust official sources, which fuels fear and division. This loss of confidence is also discouraging civic participation, many now believe collective action cannot bring real change. Together, these developments make it clear that rebuilding trust and improving access to reliable information are urgent steps for national and social security.
What can be done to rebuild trust and prevent future radicalization or instability
Even with these risks, many people expressed a strong desire to rebuild rather than destroy. For them, the question was not whether another uprising would happen, but whether the state and its institutions could be reshaped to give real meaning to their identities without resorting to violence. They called for accountability that is genuine, justice that is not delayed, and leaders who act with sincerity instead of offering empty promises.
So what can be done? Rebuilding trust in Bangladesh requires more than symbolic gestures. The solutions available to policy makers and civil society must therefore aim both at restoring faith in institutions and at creating credible, low-cost channels for grievance redress that reduce the appeal of risky or violent alternatives. A single, top-down policy directive is unlikely to succeed in a meaningful way. Trust rebuilding must be localized, practical, and demonstrable. As the time is running out, the interim government should prioritize transparent processes that return concrete benefits to communities quickly, visibly, and universally, not selectively, so the next elected government can take it from there. The justice system also needs to ensure speedier legal case resolution, and clear redress channels for July-related grievances, while civil society should help set up regular, organized ways for people to talk and share concerns without needing big protests or mass gatherings.
The most urgent step is to create interlocking, interest-based networks rooted in shared interests, not identity politics, but common grievances, that transform individual complaints into shared responsibilities. When one person’s problem becomes a community issue, the isolating pathway to radicalization is interrupted. This model requires that local governments, community leaders, universities, labor organizations, and media platforms commit to formal partnership arrangements and co-create citizen-led platforms for truth-telling to counter the rising tide of misinformation, where “one person’s problem becomes everyone’s problem.” Accountability mechanisms must be simple and easily measurable so that citizens can see a clear chain from complaints to remedy.
Moreover, institutional reform must go hand in hand with strong media literacy and misinformation control. According to UNESCO’s media assessment for Bangladesh, the country urgently needs to promote a free, independent, and pluralistic media landscape supported by strong fact-checking and media literacy programs. The report emphasizes that misinformation and disinformation have become major threats to democratic stability and calls for investment in community-based media education, capacity-building for journalists, and public awareness campaigns to help citizens verify information. Strengthening local fact-checking networks, supporting independent journalism, and integrating media literacy into schools and universities are practical steps that can reduce the spread of false narratives. Combined with transparent communication of judicial outcomes, these measures will help rebuild confidence in both governance and information systems, creating a more resilient democratic environment. (UNESCO Report)
In conclusion, it is clear that the July uprising reshaped Bangladesh’s political landscape but left deep gaps between public expectations and institutional delivery. People are in a dilemma, unsure whether to focus on today’s problems or worry about an uncertain future, a confusion that weakens cooperation and opens the door to misinformation and exploitation Preventing this requires predictable reforms, inclusive networks that turn individual grievances into shared responsibilities, strong anti-misinformation systems, and transparent accountability for past violence. These measures will not restore trust overnight, but they can halt the drift toward resignation, reduce the appeal of radical alternatives, and lay the foundation for renewed civic engagement. Only when citizens see that their sacrifices were not in vain will trust begin to heal, offering the strongest defense against manipulation, extremism, and renewed instability.
Afiya Ibnath Ayshi is a Security and Strategic Reporting Fellow at Bangladesh Defence Journal. She covers defence, foreign affairs, and humanitarian issues, focusing on how regional and global developments influence Bangladesh’s security and diplomacy. A graduate in English from the University of Dhaka, she brings a research-based and balanced approach to her work.